Jun 17 2009, 1:20PM
An Interview With Paul Samuelson, Part One
[Update: I've posted part two here.]
I've spent the last six months, off and on, trying to interview Paul Samuelson. Samuelson has a long list of accomplishments -- A John Bates Clark Medal, a Nobel Prize -- that I won't try to recap here. But by most accounts he is responsible for popularizing Keynesian economics in Post-Second World War America, and I wanted his thoughts on the current administration's fiscal policies and the modern Keynesian resurgence.
I finally spoke with Dr. Samuelson yesterday morning. (Then my crummy RadioShack recorder -- caveat emptor -- spent yesterday afternoon trying to destroy the file.) Sameulson is an energetic 94 years old and the conversation ran for about an hour, so I've decided to break the transcript into two parts. I'll publish part two tomorrow morning.
The first part of the conversation is mostly economic history -- the rise and fall (and rise) of Keynes, the influence of Milton Friedman, and the era of Alan Greenspan. Part two covers current events -- the need for a more stimulus spending and how his nephew (one Larry Summers) is doing running the economy. My questions are in bold.
So is it time for the Keynesians to declare victory?
Well
I don't care very much for the People Magazine approach to applied
economics, but let me put it this way. The 1980s trained macroeconomics
-- like Greg Mankiw and Ben Bernanke and so forth -- became a very
complacent group, very ill adapted to meet with a completely
unpredictable and new situation, such as we've had. I looked up -- and
by the way, most of these guys are MIT trained; Princeton to MIT or
Harvard to MIT -- Mankiw's bestseller, both the macro book and his
introductory textbook, I went through the index to look for liquidity
trap. It wasn't there!
Oh, I used those textbooks. There's got to be something in there on liquidity traps.
Well,
not in the index. And I looked up Bernanke's PhD thesis, which was on
the Great Depression, and I realized that when you're writing in the
1980s, and there's a mindset that's almost universal, you miss a lot of
the nuances of what actually happened during the depression.
I
am regarded as a Keynesian. My book, which over a period of about 50
years sold millions of copies, for the first time brought home -- not
only to advanced Ivy League places but also to community colleges and
high schools -- the gist of the Keynesian macroeconomic system. I
thought it would be a success because it was one Keynesian book by Lorie Tarshis,
which for reasons I've never understood got completely tarred by a kind
of a fascist group, and by Bill Buckley, as unsound and so forth. And
unfairly that book never got a good chance. He had actually been a
student of Keynes.
And my book came along and swept the field,
and set a pattern so that every time somebody -- this is just
scuttlebutt -- so that every time some economics textbook writer sued
another textbook writer for plagiarism, it never got anywhere because
the judge would just say, 'it's all Samuelson lite,' so to speak.
Anyway.
Things swept so badly that I had distrust -- after 1967, let's say --
of American Keynesianism. For better or worse, US Keynesianism was so
far ahead of where it started. I am a cafeteria Keynesian. You know
what a cafeteria catholic is?
I think so. Someone who picks and chooses the bits of the doctrine that they find agreeable.
Yeah. I might go to mass every week, so I'm a good catholic, but I don't regulate my family size the way the Pope would like to.
So which bits of the Keynesian doctrine do you not take out of the cafeteria?
Well,
let me give you a bit of boring autobiography. I came to the University
of Chicago on the morning of January 2, 1932. I wasn't yet a graduate
of high school for another few months. And that was about the low point
of the Herbert Hoover/Andrew Mellon phase after October of 1929. That's
quite a number of years to have inaction. And I couldn't reconcile what
I was being taught at the university of Chicago -- the lectures and the
books I was being assigned -- with what I knew to be true out in the
streets.
My family was well off but not rich. I spent the four
years I was an undergraduate working on the beach. And it wasn't
because I was lazy; it was because my freshman class would go to a
hundred different employers and wouldn't get a nibble. That was a
disequilibrium system. I realized that the ordinary old-fashioned
Euclidean geometry didn't apply.
And I applauded when the
major members of the Chicago faculty -- maybe even a few years before
Keynes's general theory -- came out with a petition to have a
deficit-financed spending without taxation in order to create a new
increment of spending power. And I was for that. And Franklin
Roosevelt, who was not a trained economist, and who experimented and
made a lot of mistakes, in his first days, by good luck or good advice
got the system moving. It was in a sense an easier problem because the
pathology was so terrible.
He would go to Warm Springs
Georgia. And that county -- a pretty sizeable one, this is the old
south -- there were maybe three to ten people with enough income to
file an income tax return. So, when along came the WPA, the PWA, and a
little later the Reconstruction Finance Corporation, you could be very
sure that those monies spit out by government-- not from airplanes in
the air, sending newly printed greenbacks, but essentially the
equivalent of that -- would be spent.
I don't know if you know the name, the professor E. Cary Brown
wrote kind of the definitive article in the American Economic Review on
what had been accomplished by deficit spending that was sustained. And
his numerical findings were that there were no miracles -- it was about
what you'd expect -- but it worked. And so I developed I guarded
admiration for Keynes. And I say guarded because I don't think he
understood his system as well as some of the people around him did.
Anyway,
this swept the field for a number of decades. And then, when the 1970s
came, with very heavy supply side shocks -- the quadrupling of OPEC oil
prices overnight, a rash of bad harvests, and the terrible price/wage
control system contrived by Arthur Burns and Nixon 17 months before the
election in order to ensure that they won. All these things added up.
And Keynesianism, if it was thought to promise perpetual prosperity,
became disparaged.
When the king dies you need a new king. Guess what?
Milton Friedman?
Milton Friedman. Friedman had a solid MV = PQ
doctrine from which he deviated very little all his life. By the way,
he's about as smart a guy as you'll meet. He's as persuasive as you
hope not to meet. And to be candid, I should tell you that I stayed on
good terms with Milton for more than 60 years. But I didn't do it by
telling him exactly everything I thought about him. He was a
libertarian to the point of nuttiness. People thought he was joking,
but he was against licensing surgeons and so forth. And when I went
quarterly to the Federal Reserve meetings, and he was there, we agreed
only twice in the course of the business cycle. .
That's asking for a question. What were the two agreements?
When
the economy was going up, we both gave the same advice, and when the
economy was going down, we gave the same advice. But in between he
didn't change his advice at all. He wanted a machine. He wanted a
machine that spit out M0 basic currency at a rate exactly equal to the real rate of growth of the system. And he thought that would stabilize things.
Well,
it was about the worst form of prediction that various people who ran
scores on this -- and I remember a very lengthy Boston Federal Reserve
study -- thought possible. Walter Wriston, at that time one of the most
respected bankers in the country and in the world fired his whole
monetarist, Friedmaniac staff overnight, because they were so off the
target.
But Milton Friedman had a big influence on the
profession -- much greater than, say, the influence of Friedrich Hayek
or Von Mises. Friedman really changed the environment. I don't know
whether you read the newspapers, but there's almost an apology from Ben
Bernanke that we didn't listen more to Milton Friedman.
But
anyway. The craze that really succeeded the Keynesian policy craze was
not the monetarist, Friedman view, but the [Robert] Lucas and [Thomas]
Sargent new-classical view. And this particular group just said, in
effect, that the system will self regulate because the market is all a
big rational system.
Those guys were useless at Federal Reserve
meetings. Each time stuff broke out, I would take an informal poll of
them. If they had wisdom, they were silent. My profession was not well
prepared to act.
And this brings us to Alan Greenspan, whom I've
known for over 50 years and who I regarded as one of the best young
business economists. Townsend-Greenspan was his company. But the
trouble is that he had been an Ayn Rander. You can take the boy out of
the cult but you can't take the cult out of the boy. He actually had
instruction, probably pinned on the wall: 'Nothing from this office
should go forth which discredits the capitalist system. Greed is good.'
However,
unlike someone like Milton, Greenspan was quite streetwise. But he was
overconfident that he could handle anything that arose. I can remember
when some of us -- and I remember there were a lot of us in the late
90s -- said you should do something about the stock bubble. And he kind
of said, 'look, reasonable men are putting their money into these
things -- who are we to second guess them?' Well, reasonable men are
not reasonable when you're in the bubbles which have characterized
capitalism since the beginning of time.
But now Greenspan admits he was wrong.
Because
we had, instead of three standard deviations storm, a six standard
deviation storm. Well, we did have something unprecedented. I think
looking for scapegoats and blame can be left to the economic historian.
But, at the bottom, with eight years of no regulation from the second
Bush administration, from the day that the new SEC chairman -- Harvey
Pitt -- said 'I'm going to run a kinder and gentler SEC,' every
financial officer knew they weren't going to be penalized.
Self
regulation never worked as far as macroeconomic events -- whether we're
talking about post-Napoleonic War business cycles or the big south sea
bubble back in Isaac Newton's time, up to today's time. The pendulum
just swings back in the other direction.
About that pendulum. Has macroeconomics learned anything in the past 30 or even in the past 70 years?
Well,
I will say this. And this is the main thing to remember. Macroeconomics
-- even with all of our computers and with all of our information -- is
not an exact science and is incapable of being an exact science. It can
be better or it can be worse, but there isn't guaranteed predictability
in these matters.
What has pleasantly surprised me is that
because of the Obama political sweep we've got some very rapid
interventions beyond anything that the Eccles Federal Reserve even
dreamed of in Franklin Roosevelt times, and that's why I think we're a
little bit ahead o the European Union in the state of our recovery.
On
the other hand, I think the popular view -- if I count noses -- is that
by the end of this year even, or by 2010, recovery will have set in.
That's a very ambiguous thing. Things could get better -- things could
even get better such that the National Bureau committee that officially
dates these recessions will say that the recession officially ended in
something like December 2010. That could be misleading, because it
could be completely consistent with continuing decreases in
employability, an adverse balance of payments, and a move of both the
consumer section and the investing section towards non-spending --
towards saving and hoarding. I don't think we would enjoy a lost
decade, like the two lost decades the Japanese had.
However, if you need a framework for these things, then you can't do better than the 1965 Hicks/Hansen version
of the Keynesian system, which is pretty clear cut on how a central
bank can, by diddling its discount rate up and down judiciously, lead
toward a period of great moderation rather than the terrible ups and
downs of the 20th century.
Part two of the interview is here. Samuelson image via MIT economics page. Thanks to Brad DeLong for letting
me know who Lorie Tarshis is, along with the proper spelling of his
name.





What a great interview!
Good to know that economists trained in the 80's are complacent. It is kind of funny that he thinks Bernanke is complacent since Helicopter Ben rained down liquidity in an unprecedented fashion. A lot of financial people think that Bernanke is the hero of the recovery. As head of the Fed, Bernanke is (somewhat) independent of Obama (btw, Bernanke was a Bush II appointee). Bernanke's actions may have been effective (I don't know) but they don't have anything to do with Obama's election. Does Samuelson think the head of the Fed should be independent?
TARP injected a lot of money into the financial system but that was done on Bush II's watch. I wonder if Samuelson likes the bailout for GM and Chrysler?
I'm curious what Obama action Samuelson thinks is most effective. Obviously the stimulus package has not done much since not much stimulus money has been spent yet.
Samuelson is obviously a true believer Democrat. It is interesting that economists are so politicized. I wonder why? My degrees are in Math and Computer Science. Politics has no impact on the science of either discipline. Why is economics so incredibly politicized? The most recent Nobel Prize winner in Economics (Krugman) seems to be more interested in politics than economics. Why is that?
This is indeed a good interview. It's completely the opposite of the kind of interview you'd get from this media outlet for an economist like the late Milton Friedman, which is to say it would be aggressive and not so sympathetic, but it's nice to read some of these things. I didn't see the Von Mises comment coming, good to know he's still remembered by the old folks.
Samuelson needs a dose of humility, though. He has been one of the worst prognosticators in the business, completely misstates the regulatory environment of the Bush administration, and has not been able to defend his view of macroeconomics' place in policy -- ever. He might be right about Mankiw though. :)
Re: the first comment. The simple answer is that in the world of computer science or math, you don't rely on politicians (or political appointees) to translate your ideas into actions, at least on the macro level. We have few experimental opportunities. Sadly, we often have to jump straight from theory to implementation without controlled experiments that the hard sciences benefit from. And, no matter how they come across, most economists are truly motivated by a sense of alleviating the human suffering caused by poverty, unemployment, and economic turmoil. Thus, if you strongly believe your ideas can lesson human suffering, you become somewhat desperate to see your ideas put into action. It is not surprising that economists then tend to align themselves with the group of politicians they see as most likely to implement their ideas. Sure, ideally, one could win over both political parties with good ideas, but due to the adversarial nature of the modern two party political system in the US, it is very hard to do this. Many economists would ideally prefer a world were economics could exist outside of the realm of politics and many try hard to remain neutral, but, in the end, there will be one party more accommodating of (or hostile to) your ideas. I suspect all macroeconomists have a political preference, the difference is just whether or not they veil their preference under a cloak of supposed neutrality, or voice it publicly.
Thanks for the insight.
Instead of taking a top down approach in macroeconomics, why not take a bottom up approach? Why not represent the entities in an economy with intelligent agents (i.e. typical computer simulation)? A typical agent might represent a corporation or a government or whatever. The entity represented by an intelligent agent would have a lot of domain specific knowledge that could be used to improve the accuracy of assumptions (and keep them accurately updated). Microeconomics is more soundly based than macroeconomics, right? Why not build a macroeconomics simulation that is a function of microeconomic simulations?
Democrat economists seem to assume that government is going to behave in an honest and efficient fashion. Why is that?
Republican economists seem to think that globalization has few risks. Why is that?
"Democrat economists seem to assume that government is going to behave in an honest and efficient fashion. Why is that?
Perhaps Democrats might rather argue that, at times, the government can be more honest and efficient than the private sector. And that some goods are not normal goods and their exchange doesn't follow conventional economic theory. And that people aren't always exactly rational, omniscient actors. This has been the perennial question in Democratic politics: why did the lower/working class vote against their best interest during recent elections?
Republican economists seem to think that globalization has few risks. Why is that?
Maybe because they think the market is always the best way for individual and collective preferences to be expressed and implemented?
Regarding Milton Friedman there's a whole other dimension to his work: capitalism vs. communism. Samuelson and Friedman were on the same side on that one.
People get all hot and bothered over "monetarism" but the details of macroeconomic policy were not the main event in the 20th century.
Very much enjoyed reading this. Mr. Clarke, I hope you will have the opportunity to check in with Samuelson on a regular basis and pass along the conversation.
I wonder to what extent macroeconomic policy will be seen as the main event of what's thought of now as the post Cold War era. The US has extended 100% of GDP in taxpayer liabilities to a financial system that seems not only more of the same but worse, as To Big To Fail is frankly institutionalized. Our dilemma in Af/Pak seems a bit more tricky to resolve than simply quitting as the Soviets did, and I think Rory Stewart is correct when he analogizes that we have $100,000 and require a penthouse in Manhattan.
Mr. Samuelson, what do you think of this analysis? It tied up some loose threads for me.
http://blogs.cfr.org/setser/2009/06/16/read-brender-and-pisani%E2%80%99s-%E2%80%9Cglobalised-finance-and-its-collapse%E2%80%9D/
Economics was originally Political Economics for a reason--politicians and governments will always attempt to rationalize and justify their existence! It wasn't John Maynard Keynes who first inspired Roosevelt's New Deal policies, for those who haven't read Adam Cohen's recently published "Nothing to Fear--FDR's Inner Circle and the Hundred day that Created modern America", but Francis Perkins, his New York State Industrial Commissioner and Labor Secretary, who was our first female cabinet member! She set up the first unemployment insurance and federal job creation programs in 1930 when Roosevelt was NY Governor.
The Keynesians were never given much of a chance after FDR, in part because only half-heartedly applied...FDR was at heart a financial conservative who believed in balanced budgets, which is why bankers convinced him to begin to balance the budget in 1937 that prolonged the Depression.
Then came the Business Roundtable during the 1970s era of stagflation, who began a massive lobbying campaign to bring back Adam Smith, and we had the neo-classicists, who knew who buttered their bread...Read John Kenneth Galbraith to find out his struggles to get Keynesians onto the Harvard faculty!