August 2009 Archives
08/31/09 2:33 PM
The Case Against Means Testing
Adam Schaeffer of the Cato Institute manages the fairly impressive feat of beating up on me in a blog post (I am an "ingrate," along with Matt Yglesias and Felix Salmon) without mentioning or responding to the argument I was actually making. So hey, let me just go ahead and make it again: The tax code's definition of a charity is too broad. Do you disagree, Adam?
Still, the separate question Schlaeffer asks is an interesting one: "Why shouldn't we charge rich parents tuition to attend public schools? If a charitable deduction for private schools is so bad, why isn't a free public education even worse?" So let me take a crack at it.
In general, means testing public services is a good idea, for obvious reasons. A concept of justice that said, "everyone gets the same amount, regardless of how much they need or deserve" would not be a very convincing concept indeed. But the case for means testing is often overstated and sometimes treated as gospel. And I can think of five reasons why it shouldn't be:
1. Means testing creates some inefficiencies. Deciding to make some government service contingent on one's demonstrated need requires creating some administrative mechanism for measuring need. This is costly and difficult. It is also (as I'm sure I don't need to tell the good people of Cato) potentially incentive-distorting: limiting a public service to people below a certain income should, at the margin, reduce the incentive to rise above that income.
2. Means testing can reduce the political support for a service. This isn't that complicated. If a service is provided to everyone in the United States, then everyone in the United States has some incentive to support it. If a service is provided to only the neediest individuals, then not everyone has an incentive to support it. (As an historical matter, my understanding is that this is one reason why social security benefits are not means tested.)
3. Means testing can reduce the quality of a service. This is related to #2. If not everyone in a given community benefits from a service, then the community will be less inclined to offer a robust form of that service. (And I think both #2 and #3 are exacerbated by the fact that the individuals most in need of public services tend to have the least political power.)
4. Means testing can create stigma, since it identifies some people as needy. (That might sound a bit hoity-toity, but I think it would be important in the context of a public education.)
5. Means testing can be immoral. Some benefits of citizenship are thought of as rights -- things to which we are entitled regardless of expected benefit or demonstrated need. No one, for instance, has recently suggested that voting should be means-tested.
08/29/09 12:00 PM
Can You Carry A Gun Near Barack Obama?
Megan McArdle, Jason Zengerle and Will Wilkinson have been having an argument about whether it's acceptable to carry guns to health-care protests and near the president of the United States. I don't want to try to summarize the whole debate, but I do want to comment on one aspect of it. Jason Zengerle takes the position that a gun-toting protester "makes the job of the Secret Service that much harder--and therefore increases the risk that the Secret Service won't be able to stop someone...who does want to try to assassinate the president." Will Wilkinson responds:
The silliest thing is Zengerle's casual assumption that if the free and peaceful exercise of an enumerated constitutional right "takes up resources," then the state may therefore limit it. I doubt he'd like to generalize this principle.
First, I'm not totally sure Zengerle's position is that the state "may therefore limit it." But even if it were, I doubt Will would like to generalize a principle dictating that the enumerated right always trumps state interests! This isn't complicated. Let's say we have a crowded theater. And let's say I exercise my seemingly enumerated First Amendment right and shout the word "Fire!" And let's say that several dozen people are grievously injured in the ensuing chaos. (Let's further assume that many of these people are recipients of generous, reliable Medicare benefits, so the state bears a cost.)
The fact that this situation is so preposterous is exactly why the law prevents it from happening: courts have created common-law doctrines like "fighting words" and "clear and present danger" for the obvious reason that the exercise of a right can have dire consequences, and some consequences are too costly to bear. Will might think that in this circumstance the cost is not prohibitively high, but there's nothing silly about a suggestion to the contrary.
A second point is worth making. The vast majority (all?) of our enumerated rights are negative: The say that the state can't stop you from engaging in a particular activity. But the fact that some activities are protected does not mean that these activities are worthy of special moral praise. The mere fact that you are carrying a gun or speaking freely or refusing to self incriminate at your trial (a la OJ Simpson) does not and should not insulate you from criticism. It's perfectly fair game to acknowledge that a certain activity is legally protected while also taking the position that lots of the people engaging in it are idiots.
08/28/09 2:19 PM
Why Rich Parents Raise Smarter Children
Over at the Economix blog, Catherine Rampell produces the following graph, which shows the relationship between SAT test score and family income:
Greg Mankiw calls this the "Least Surprising Correlation of All Time" and writes:Of course! But so what? This fact tells us nothing about the causal impact of income on test scores. [...] This graph is a good example of omitted variable bias, a statistical issue discussed in Chapter 2 of my favorite textbook. The key omitted variable here is parents' IQ. Smart parents make more money and pass those good genes on to their offspring. [...] It would be interesting to see the above graph reproduced for adopted children only. I bet that the curve would be a lot flatter.
And sure, it wouldn't be surprising to find a correlation between high IQ and high income. And it wouldn't be surprising to learn that "intelligence" is partially inheritable. But the vaguely deterministic suggestion that smart parents "make more money and pass those good genes on to their offspring" is a laughably crude description of how real life works.
I don't know of any large studies that test the relationship between test scores and socioeconomic status in adopted children. But the closest adoption study described in Richard Nisbett's Intelligence and How to Get It: Why Schools and Cultures Count (I'll put the full citation at the bottom) has this to say about IQ and socioeconomic status (SES):
The obvious point to make here is that children born to wealthy parents and raised by downscale families have almost exactly the same IQ range as children born to downscale parents and raised by wealthy families. Nisbett uses this to make what I thought would have been an entirely uncontroversial point -- namely, that "both genes and class-related environmental effects are powerful contributors to intelligence" And is it really hard to figure out why those "class-related environmental effects" should make a difference? Better schools, better nutrition, better health care, better test preparation and better neighborhoods all come to mind. I'm sure an intelligent guy like Greg Mankiw can figure that out.
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(John Sides reports on some other studies and makes some good points here. The chart above is drawn from Capron & Duyme, "Assessment of Effects of Socioeconomic Status on IQ in a Full Cross-Fostering Study" (1989).)
08/27/09 2:24 PM
Why Sarah Palin Should Not Defend Glenn Beck
Sarah Palin takes to the digital pages of Facebook in praise of embattled and boycotted TV host Glenn Beck:
FOX News' Glenn Beck is doing an extraordinary job this week walking America behind the scenes of 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue and outlining who is actually running the White House.
Monday night he asked us to invite one friend to watch; tonight I invite all my friends to watch.
Palin thus ensures that the current Beck controversy will continue for at least another week. And I continue to be impressed and befuddled by two features of this controversy. The first is the degree to which Beck's supporters are largely unwilling to defend or engage with what Beck actually said to start the boycott. (Namely, that Obama is a "racist" with a "a deep-seated hatred for white people or the white culture.") The vast majority of what you hear from Beck supporters is that the left has been mendacious in handling the boycott campaign, by listing among the boycott signatories some companies that never advertised with Beck to begin with. But even if this were entirely true (it's partially true), it misses the point: The factual question of whether the boycott is calculating is unrelated to the interpretive question of whether what Beck said is defensible. And what Beck said was, I submit, stupid and indefensible. Does anyone disagree?
The second surprising feature is the degree to which this is wrongly described as a free-speech issue. This is a pretty big, basic misunderstanding of how free speech works. Free speech is a "negative" right: It prevents the government from silencing you. But it doesn't guarantee you the right to a soapbox or a megaphone or an audience. And it certainly doesn't guarantee a gigantic corporate paycheck for speaking your mind.
You might believe, as Charles Warner apparently does, that the Beck boycott is counterproductive because it gives Beck additional attention and notoriety -- which are Beck's bread and butter. Perhaps that's right. But this tactical debate -- what's the fastest way to have Beck wither on the vine? -- shouldn't be confused with a debate over whether losing an advertiser is like a chunk of the Bill of Rights. On that subject, there's really nothing to debate.
08/26/09 5:55 PM
Why Not Put Ted Kennedy's Name on the Health-Care Bill?
Why not? Lots of people are upset that Nancy Pelosi and Robert Byrd want to do this, but I'm not sure I buy their arguments. Ted Kennedy wanted to to pass a major health-care reform bill. He called it the cause of his life. It's not as if renaming the bill would be contrary to his wishes or in some sense ironic. (Like, perhaps, renaming a gigantic public airport after a man who fired thousands of air traffic controllers and favored limited government more broadly.)
The legislative eulogizing might (or might not!) make the bill more likely to pass, and the intentions of the legislators might (or might not!) be a mix of the genuinely commemorative ("he would have wanted it") and the disingenuously opportunistic ("we want it"). But there should be nothing surprising or unseemly about a legislator motivated by a heartfelt belief that the best way of honoring Kennedy would be to pass a bill for which the man struggled. And the political effects of a heartfelt Kennedy commemoration are no more or less "fair" than the political effects of a 9/11 commemoration or Ronald Reagan's death in the summer or 2004.
On the other hand, I do have some sympathy for Jonah Goldberg's argument that the left can't have this both ways: It shouldn't expect to mobilize Kennedy's memory for health-care reform while maumauing Kennedy's posthumous critics. But this is mostly because I don't think we should have a general principle against posthumous honesty. If Goldberg has a moral principle that discourages such criticism (and he seems to), he should surely uphold that principle and hold his tongue no matter what the left does.
08/26/09 2:53 PM
Do Private Schools Serve The Public Interest?
The one thing I would add is this: If you agree with the Yglesias/Salmon logic (as I do), there is no reason to halt that logic at the doors of the private schoolhouse. There is, for example, my favorite hobby horse: The tax deduction governing charitable contributions, which can be claimed for donations to a ludicrously broad variety of organizations. I've said this before, but the relevant portion of the tax code let's you claim it for donating to a...
corporation, trust, or community chest, fund, or foundation [...] organized and operated exclusively for religious, charitable, scientific, literary, or educational purposes, or to foster national or international amateur sports competition (but only if no part of its activities involve the provision of athletic facilities or equipment), or for the prevention of cruelty to children or animals.
Which, to understate matter, covers a lot of organizations -- international amateur sports leagues? -- of questionable public value. (Now if only there were some powerful elected official interested in changing the rules governing charitable deductions...)
Anyway, the big questions here are "what is the public interest?" and "who gets to define it?" -- and they are both fairly intractable questions. What can be said? I'm of the opinion that a narrower definition would be a better expression of the public interest than the law that is currently on the books, and I think most people, when confronted with the current law, would agree. Or at least I hope so.
(Photo: Flickr User woodleywonderworks)
08/26/09 10:11 AM
What The Heck Is Supply-Side Economics?
Last week I wrote a post that included the following taxonomy of "supply-side economics":
The "strong" version of the supply side argument is that tax cuts will generate enough growth to increase tax revenue. (Not to be confused with the general Laffer Curve proposition that tax cuts can do this, which will probably be true under some circumstances -- say, if a tax rate went from 100% to 99%.) The "semi-strong" version is that tax rates are the key factor governing economic growth. And the "weak" version is that the growth and efficiency generated by lower taxes is more important than the equality generated by redistribution. (The "weak" version pretty much just restates the big difference between the left and the right, so it's really quite general.)
I tried using this to make the point that, contra Greg Mankiw, "the general proposition that taxes affect incentives" is not unique to supply-side economics. Indeed, I wrote, "Everyone believes that!" Dan Mitchell of the Cato Institute wrote me a pretty long email disagreeing with this. I'll quote a snippet:
Read More
08/25/09 12:55 PM
Why Do Federal Workers Make So Much Money?
A friendly acquaintance from Cato sent me this article and asked what I think about it. First, I think I like pictures more than words, so let me summarize the article with this chart:
This is used to make the argument that "Federal wages should be frozen for a period of years, at least until the private-sector economy has recovered and average workers start seeing some wage gains of their own." Well, I think that's getting a bit ahead of the data. Here are a few quick thoughts on why:Read More
08/25/09 11:11 AM
Why Hasn't the Glenn Beck Boycott Hurt Fox News?
What I'm interested now is the economics of the boycott. Thirty-six companies have apparently signed on. And while it appears that some of them never advertised with Beck in the first place (oops), many if not most of them did. To which Fox responds:
While the advertising boycott has generated substantial media coverage, Fox News said it has not impacted the network's revenues or Beck's audience. "The advertisers referenced have all moved their spots from Beck to other programs on the network so there has been no revenue lost," a spokeswoman said.
I have had enough tangential experience with the wacky world of marketing and advertising to believe that what this Fox News spokeswoman says is true. But I still wonder: Why is it true? It's not clear that there should be "no revenue lost" in this situation. Let's assume that (1) the number total TV advertising spots is fixed and (2) the advertising budgets of the companies involved are fixed. (I believe both things are more-or-less true.) Let's further assume that (3) a boycott reduces the total number of available advertising spots.
So when the Beck Boycott hits, the same number of dollars is chasing a smaller number of advertising slots. This should ... raise the price of an advertising slot. And when that happens, I don't understand how the advertisers can simply move their spots "from Beck to other programs on the network" without increasing their advertising budgets. And if they don't increase their budgets, it would be more cost-effective for them to buy spots on (the now relatively cheaper) other networks.
But perhaps that assumes the market for advertising is efficient, and I've never met someone who believes that it is. Or am I missing something?
(Photo: Flickr User permanentlyscatterbrained)
08/24/09 1:42 PM
What Barack Obama's Tax Plans Really Look Like
Oh look, here's a surprisingly fresh and original sentiment from an op-ed in the Wall Street Journal about the future of the Obama administration: "the Europeanization of America will again be in full gear, from expanding government control and regulation of as many things as possible, to raising taxes, expanding the size of government, and reducing the choices individuals are allowed." The article goes on to talk about higher taxes, unprecedented big government, etc. Bracing, original stuff.
Anyway, the good people of the Tax Policy Center released their estimates on the future distribution of federal taxes today (PDF), and in the year 2012 it looks a little something like this:
The vast majority of taxpayers will pay at a substantially lower effective rate than they do under current law, and at a slightly lower rate than under the baseline (since some Bush tax provisions expire).08/24/09 1:27 PM
Health-Care Lessons From RNC Chairman Michael Steele
Right then. Here's Michael Steele's op-ed in this morning's Washington Post:
Obama's government-run health "reform" would pay for seniors' meetings with a doctor to discuss end-of-life care. While nonthreatening at first, something that is quite normal for a family to do becomes troublesome when the government gets involved. Seniors know that government programs that seem benign at first can become anything but. The government should simply butt out of conversations about end-of-life care and leave them to seniors, their families and their doctors.
I've said this all before, but it's important to be repetitive about what the GOP strategy on this subject has been. Namely, (1) Make a silly claim ("death panels!"); (2) Have the silly claim disproved ("there are no death panels!"); (3) Avoid defending the original silly claim, and instead chalk the whole controversy up to an interpretive ambiguity or an inherently uncertain question about what may or may not happen in the vague and sinister future ("programs that seem benign at first can become anything but"). Like Jim Morrison before him, philosopher-poet Michael Steele knows that the the future is uncertain and the end is always near. Anyway, two points about this. First, the Steele standard -- that the government "butt out of conversations about end-of-life care and leave them to seniors, their families and their doctors" -- is easily met by a bill in which end-of-life counseling is totally optional. As it happens, that describes the current House bill. Second, what is crucially missing from Steele's op-ed is any sense of how a perfectly "nonthreatening" caterpillar of a program morphs into a butterfly that is "anything but." Since no one wants the threatening program and no one has proposed the threatening program, and since we live a nation with robust political rights robust and opportunities for political opposition, I think the Steele scenario is pretty darn unlikely.
And at the very least, we know that no matter what happens in the future Michael Steele will be able to publish anything in the Washington Post.
(Photo: Flickr User moonstarsilverwolf)
08/24/09 11:35 AM
Is Barack Obama Responsible For Health-Care Reform?
Well, is he? With a little cutting and pasting, here's Ross Douthat in the New York Times:
If the Congressional Democrats can't get a health care package through, it won't prove that President Obama is a sellout or an incompetent. It will prove that Congress's liberal leaders are lousy tacticians, and that its centrist deal-makers are deal-makers first, poll watchers second and loyal Democrats a distant third. And it will prove that the Democratic Party is institutionally incapable of delivering on its most significant promises.
You have to assume that on some level Congress understands this -- which is why you also have to assume that some kind of legislation will eventually pass. [...] If it doesn't, President Obama will have been defeated. But it's the party, not the president, that will have failed.
And here's Matt Yglesias in the Daily Beast:
Major legislative change is hard, so it should come as no surprise that Barack Obama's drive to comprehensively reform the American health-care system is running into some problems. By contrast, Monday-morning quarterbacking is easy, so it also should come as no surprise that these problems are inspiring a massive wave of second-guessing.
[...] It's possible that despite the formidable obstacles, Obama will prevail in the end. Already he's come closer than any of his predecessors. But it's also possible that he'll fail, and if so, there won't be anything unusual about it. [...] Time and again presidents and their supporters learn the main lesson of American policymaking -- that for better or for worse, our system makes big changes difficult to implement.
I am glad to see this point being made on both the right and the left. One of its virtues is that it's correct! And one of its vices is that it's not made enough.
08/24/09 10:54 AM
Daily Chart: Joe Lieberman's Case Against Health Reform
Every once in a while there is a potentially self-refuting argument floating around the public debate. Consider the curious case of Senator Joe Lieberman, on the complicated subject of health-care reform (via Think Progress):
Morally, everyone of us would like to cover every American with health insurance but that's where you spend most of the trillion dollars plus, or a little less that is estimated, the estimate said this health care plan will cost. And I'm afraid we've got to think about putting a lot of that off until the economy is out of recession. There's no reason we have to do it all now.The argument is that we can't afford to pay for health-care reform in the middle of a recession. When Joe says "the estimate," I assume he is referring to the Congressional Budget Office cost estimate of the America's Affordable Health Choices Act. So I thought I would make a quick chart of how those costs will phase in:

As you can see, the real costs do not phase in until 2013. So there are three possible ways to make sense of Lieberman's argument. (1) Lieberman thinks the recession will extend into 2013. (2) Lieberman is referring to a cost estimate that no one else has seen. (3) Lieberman's argument is self-refuting: It makes no sense even if you accept his premise that we shouldn't pay for health-care reform in the middle of a recession.
I vote for (3). But there is, of course, no reason to accept his premise.
08/23/09 8:15 PM
John McCain on Death Panels
MCCAIN: Well, I think that what we are talking about here is do -- are we going to have groups that actually advise people as these decisions are made later in life and ...
STEPHANOPOULOS: That's not in the bill.
MCCAIN: But -- it's been taken out, but the way that it was written made it a little bit ambiguous.
"Ambiguous." Thus do we witness McCain joining the prestigious Michael Steele school of literary criticism. You see, a health-care bill is really a lot like Hamlet or The Wasteland. Interpretations may vary. Where some scholars find an utterly innocuous and optional expansion of Medicare coverage, others might see a program akin to mandatory government euthanasia.I have expressed my frustration with this tactic many times before, and I know it is getting tedious. But, to recap, the tactic is this: (1) Make a preposterous and false claim about a bill. (2) Have the claim disproved. (3) Avoid defending the original claim, but instead observe that the controversy reflects "a legitimate difference of interpretation" about what might happen in the future. Effective opposition in three easy steps!
And so we have a conundrum: Ignore the tactic, and let the falsehood persist, or engage with the tactic, and play into the false appearance of legitimate debate. I do not have a good solution. The best I can do is repeat, with endless tedium, that the bill is not ambiguous and the original claim is still false. I can further add that people who hide falsehoods behind the smokescreen of an equally false ambiguity are doing a fabulous job of destroying legitimate public discourse.
Cross-posted to Andrew Sullivan's Daily Dish
(Photo: John McCain's Official Senate Portrait)
08/23/09 8:12 PM
Trading American Clunkers For Foreign Cars
Fox News reports
that the Cash For Clunkers program, which is due to end tomorrow, has
probably benefited foreign car makers more than American car makers. I
think this is interesting news. But since the Fox article proceeds from
the implicitly sinister premise that we are "turning the already
dwindling number of American car owners into the growing ranks of
foreign car drivers," it's worth making three points.The first is typical and predictable free-trader-ism: If the number of American car owners is dwindling because Americans are buying more foreign cars, I'd say American consumers are probably better off, because the foreign cars must be better or cheaper or otherwise more desirable. But this also seems like one of those situations where the wonders of free trade extend only so far, especially as they pertain to the domestic stimulus benefits of the Cash for Clunkers program.
So here's the second point: The fact that a lot of the cars being purchased are foreign should affect how we tally up the stimulus benefit. Economic stimulus present a coordination problem for the nations of the world. If one nation hands out deficit-financed stimulus dollars to its citizens, those citizens will almost certainly use some of those dollars to buy foreign goods. The whole world shares the benefit. But only the nation handing out the stimulus dollars bears the cost -- namely, increased debt and higher future taxes. So if we are judging the success or failure of the Clunkers program based on how cost-effectively it stimulates the American economy, the fact that a lot of the cash is going to foreign companies is probably a strike against it. (Paul Krugman wrote a series of great posts about this subject back when the original stimulus bill was being debated, and I think Krugman's word on this subject -- his true expertise -- is close to gospel.)
But a third point: The fact that a lot of the dollars are going to foreign companies does not mean the program hasn't been successful. We don't live in a zero-sum world, and the simple fact that a law benefits foreign companies and foreign economies doesn't mean it's bad for America, too. It can be good for both!
Update: In response to a couple of smart emails I should make something clear. One issue I do not consider in this post is what makes a company "American." A lot of car companies that were founded in America produce cars abroad, and a lot of car companies that were founded abroad produce cars in America. Both kinds of companies have shareholders in America and shareholders abroad. There is, furthermore, a difference between GDP and GNP accounting, and those differences will become more pronounced depending on the ownership and production structure of a company.
So I'd say this: my post starts with the assumption that a greater proportion of revenue at an "American" company ends up in the pockets of both American domestics and nationals than does the revenue at a "foreign" car company. I believe that is correct. But, this being the blogosphere and all, I'm not totally sure.
Cross-posted to Andrew Sullivan's Daily Dish
(Photo: Flickr User ThreadedThoughts)
08/20/09 4:36 PM
How Townhall Meetings Influence Grassley's Health Care Views
The Washington Post reports that Grand Poobah Charles Grassley says "the outpouring of anger at town hall meetings this month has fundamentally altered the nature of the debate and convinced him that lawmakers should consider drastically scaling back the scope of health-care reform." Grassley elaborates, via the Post:
After being besieged by protesters at meetings across his home state of Iowa, Grassley said he has concluded that the public has rejected the far-reaching proposals Democrats have put on the table, viewing them as overly expensive precursors to "a government takeover of health care."
I think it's worth mentioning that the Grassley theory of "the public" is pretty much the exact opposite of how American democracy is supposed to function. Famously, public representatives are supposed to distinguish between the "vicious arts" of faction (Madison's words) and the "permanent and aggregate interests of the community" (Hamilton's). Of course, it might be the case that protestors laying seige to Fort Grassley actually represent the aggregate interests of the public. But you won't find evidence for that conclusion at a townhall meeting.
On the other hand, there's a pretty interesting question about the nature of democracy here: Formal democracy measures only the number of preferences (tallying votes), and not the intensity of preferences (like passionate townhall protests) or the quality of preferences (like the opinion of some group of philosopher kings). But I'm going to go out on a limb and assume Senator Grassley is not asking those rich philosophical quesitons.
08/19/09 6:57 PM
My Interview With Robert Novak
Columnist Robert Novak is dead, from a malignant brain tumor, which by most accounts was a pretty terrible way to go. Just about everyone in Washington has a Novak story -- being a Washington institution will do that to you -- and I'm no exception. Almost exactly two years ago, I wrote a profile of Robert Novak for the Guardian newspaper. This, naturally, called for interviewing him, so I did.
Novak was, to be perfectly honest about it, the least pleasant person I've ever interviewed. He didn't shake my hand upon entering or leaving his office, and expressed fairly open contempt when I asked him a question about the Valerie Plame affair. His response was: "You can't imagine how tired I am of answering those questions." And then he proceeded not to answer the question.
I don't mean to rag on the guy. It wasn't his job to be pleasant -- certainly not to the kind of nervous and uppity young reporter he ate for breakfast -- and I didn't get the sense he tried to give anyone an impression to the contrary. I hope it's fair to say that he embraced the reputation that preceded him, and that the face grew to fit the mask. You don't call your memoir "The Prince of Darkness" if you're hoping to make new friends. (And on the day that I sat down with him I remember, distinctly, that he was wearing the same suit and tie that he wore glowering on the cover of his new book.)
There are many people who think, for good reason, that his career was spotted by ethical lapses -- like trading access for protection (you were, famously, a "source or a target"), or outing sources after they died. Novak was unapologetic about all of that. About his conduct in the Plame affair, he told me: "It's an irrelevant question to ask what I would do if I could do it all over again, because I don't have the chance to do it all over again. It's done."
So he was perhaps a bit of a jerk, but an admirably fatalistic one. The first thing he said to me was this: "I don't watch my words very closely. I'm 76 years old, and I don't have that much time on this earth. There's very little people can do to hurt me, and so I say what I want to say." And, to his credit or not, he did just that.
Crossposted to the Daily Dish
08/18/09 11:44 AM
Is The Stimulus Helping Ordinary Americans?

I
think this is a charmingly counterintuitive point, and worth lingering
over. If you, the hypothetical dictator of a country mired in
recession, were going to offer a tax rebate in the hopes of boosting
consumer spending and aggregate demand in your fiefdom, you would have
two options. First, you could issue a big lump sum check at the end of
the year, or perhaps several smaller checks over the course of the
year. Second, you could decrease tax withholding on each employee's
paycheck. Both methods would boost short-run incomes by the same
amount; the only difference is that, in the second case, most people
wouldn't notice the boost -- it would come as a small, unmarked
addition to their regular paychecks.
Obama opted for the latter method, on the theory that people are more apt to spend "regular income" than dollars that come bundled as specially marked, one-time, lump-sum "stimulus spending." The whole theory -- backed by lots of behavioral research from Richard Thaler and others -- is that people shouldn't notice the money, and file it in a separate "mental account." And sure, there are limits to the counterintuitive charms of this point: The simple fact that people don't notice the stimulus dollars is not affirmative evidence that the stimulus is working. (Since it's possible to imagine people saving money they don't notice.) But the mere fact that most people tell pollsters they don't notice the stimulus is not evidence one way or another. Relax, USA Today.
(Photo: Flickr User: borman818)
08/18/09 11:42 AM
Guestblogging and Crossposting
I am back from India, and am guest blogging for Andrew Sullivan this week. But I've worked out some kind of crossposting deal, where most of the things I write for the Daily Dish will be published here with a slight time lag. It'll be the same content, more or less. But the big advantage of reading here will be that when I write something stupid you can leave a mean comment, which I encourage you to do.
08/06/09 3:28 PM
Plurality of Republicans Want More "Birther" Coverage
08/06/09 8:58 AM
Is the "Birther" Movement a Liberal Conspiracy?
You could be forgiven for thinking that a serious campaign is afoot -- aided and abetted by the national Republican Party -- to question Barack Obama's citizenship. Over the past two weeks, an inordinate amount of news coverage has been afforded to "birthers," conspiracy theorists who claim that the President was not born in Hawaii, as his birth records indicate, but in Kenya.
It is not Obama's right-wing opponents, however, who are devoting the most attention to this obscure, Internet-driven "movement," if one can even use that label to describe such a paranoid groupuscule. Rather, it's liberals, bent on portraying their conservative opponents as extremists -- and changing the subject to help a President under increasing scrutiny for the substance of his policies -- who are driving this story.
(Photo credit: http://www.flickr.com/photos/bonzo/3693091396)
08/05/09 2:23 AM
A Response to Will Wilkinson on Inequality
"Awesome liberal" Will Wilkinson was kind enough to respond to me and Matt Yglesias on the question of whether the diminishing marginal utility of consumption is a good argument in favor of redistribution, so I'd like to toss a couple of thoughts back in his direction.
Here's the background: one of the points in Will's original paper is that inequality in the United States doesn't look so bad when you stop talking about income inequality and start talking about consumption. The rich might have $11,000 fridges but, Will argued, they aren't much better off than the poor shlubs who spend $350 at Ikea. Matt and I pointed out that in making this point, Will seemed to be rediscovering a classic argument in favor of redistribution-- namely, that a rich person doesn't get as much utility from an additional dollar as a poor person. This is the basic concept of diminishing marginal utility: the next dollar of consumption won't get you as much satisfaction as the previous one did, and the one after that will get you even less, and so on.
Will made a couple of points in response to this, which can be summarized as (1) if you want to maximize utility, it's not necessarily you'd want to redistribute money from the rich (you might, for example, want them to save more); and (2) utilitarianism is "false," so we don't want to maximize utility, anyway. A couple of thoughts on these points:
1. I am totally open to the suggestion that redistribution might not be the thing to do when confronted with diminishing marginal utility. I confess haven't read the paper Will suggests on this point. (I'm in India with spotty Internet access, writing this post on a sticky note to publish when the wireless comes alive again.) But even if I accept Will's argument sight-unseen, it does not change the most important fact about the debate, which Will doesn't seem to dispute: it is very unlikely that the current consumption distribution is utility-maximizing.
So, sure, the utility-maximizing thing to do might be to have the rich save more. (I tend to think we should save more and can redistribute more, and don't think those things are necessarily mutually exclusive.) Or, the utility-maximizing thing to do might be to abandon this whole business of free exchange and consume government-provided pills that simulate the experience of hedonistic fulfillment. Open empirical question! But what I don't see Will disputing is that it would not be hard to improve on the present, even if there's some chance that tax-and-transfer redistribution isn't the best way to do it. Redistribution would still be an improvement.
2. I agree with Will that a strong utilitarian position is unacceptable (though I wouldn't call it "false") because it's not concerned with the procedures -- fair or unfair? moral or immoral? -- through which utility is obtained. And in the specific case of free markets and government redistribution, I would go one step further than most liberals: I believe there is always some inherent cost in limiting people from freely exchanging goods and services, just as I think there is always a cost in limiting people from freely exchanging words and ideas. It seems to me that there are very strong moral arguments in favor of a free market, in addition to the typical instrumental ones. So perhaps Will and I agree on that.
But let's not get carried away. There is no need to choose between Jeremy Bentham and Robert Nozick, and the fact that we might reject strong utilitarianism does not mean we stop caring about outcomes and start caring exclusively about rights. My sense is that most people think there are rights that hold irrespective of outcomes, and there are outcomes so dire that they always trump rights. Weighing any particular outcome ("lots of people don't have health-care right now") against any particular right ("my income is private property") doesn't have even the slightest veneer of an exact science.
So objecting to income redistribution because you put a priority on economic rights over economic outcomes (as Will does) strikes me as both perfectly fine and entirely optional. But I suspect Will and I agree on that too.
08/03/09 5:43 PM
An Indian Development Mystery
Tonight I'm flying to Doha and then Hyderabad, India, where I'll be staying (and blogging!) for the next two weeks -- with a short train trip to the state of Kerala, on India's southwestern coast, thrown in for good measure. I am especially excited about seeing Kerala for the first time, in part because it's supposed to be jawdroppingly lush and in part because it's a bit of an economic mystery. I was looking for some good data on the state and found this old chart from Amartya Sen's great book Development As Freedom:
The data is a little old, but the obvious point of interest here is that Kerala has the lowest per capita GNP and the highest life expectancy of any other place on the chart. It does well on other Human Development Index measures as well. There are lots of competing and overlapping explanations for why this is the case, including (1) early Christian missionaries raising educational standards and literacy to an unusal degree; (2) The unusually high number of residents who work elsewhere and make remittance payments; (3) The unusual level of political involvement in the state; (4) Statewide healthcare and food guarantees. An explanation not on the table is rapid industrialization. Kerala has little of that, which is part of what makes the place odd.But more updates after 25 hours of flying.
08/03/09 1:22 PM
A Defense of Inequality That Proves Too Much?
[Update: Will responded and I responded to him here.]
I emailed Will Wilkinson with a question about his new inequality paper a couple of weeks ago, but since he says he's open to taking questions on his blog, and since I see some of my concerns echoed in Jon Chait's latest New Republic column, I figured I would re-post my question here.
One of the points Will makes in the paper -- a good point, and one that doesn't come up enough -- is that income is neither the exclusive nor the best way of measuring inequality. Consumption might be a better measure. As Will puts it: "If we're interested in the overall material well-being of a life,what we really want to know is the quantity of goods and services a person has consumed over the course of his lifetime, and the value to that person of all those goods and services."
And Will makes the point -- accurately, I think -- that consumption inequality doesn't look as bad as income inequality. He argues that inexpensive goods are improving in quality faster than expensive goods, and that the bundle of goods consumed by poor families rises in price more slowly than the bundle of goods consumed by rich families. Will writes:
You can see leveling in quality across the price scale in almost every kind of consumer good. At the turn of the 20th century, only the mega-rich had refrigerators or cars. But refrigerators are now all but universal in the United States, even while refrigerator inequality continues to grow. The Sub-Zero PRO 48, which the manufacturer calls "a monument to food preservation," costs about $11,000, compared with a paltry $350 for the IKEA Energisk B18 W. The lived difference, however, is rather smaller than that between having fresh meat and milk and having none. The IKEA model will keep your beer just as cold as the Sub-Zero model.
But my question is this: Doesn't this prove way too much? If rich families are spending an additional $10,650 for fridges that will offer little in the way of "lived difference," this does not suggest to me that all is peachy in the U.S. of A. It suggests that those rich families have $10,650 lying around that could be redistributed at little "lived" cost!
So, if Will's argument is that income differences in the United States increasingly fail to translate into commensurate differences in consumption, why isn't this just a brilliant argument in favor of redistributing more income than we already do? Perhaps Will Wilkinson of the Cato Institute should be a hero to liberals everywhere!
(Photo: a web producer in the Atlantic mothership seems to have added this flickr photo to the blog post.)




