Aug 19 2009, 4:29PM
Christina Romer Defended by an Angry Academic Colleague
The macroeconomist J. Bradford DeLong (about whom I blogged on June 10) has written an angry criticism of my criticism ("Honesty about the Stimulus," posted yesterday) of Christina Romer's defense of the $787 stimulus package that Congress enacted in February. (He accuses me of writing "dishonestly" and to have committed "at least seven major ethical lapses.") Although Professor DeLong makes one pretty good point (see paragraph numbered 2 below), his criticism on the whole confirms in my distrust of macroeconomists' analysis of the economic crisis.
Let me repeat what I said in my blog entry yesterday, what I said in my book, what I have said repeatedly: I support the stimulus. Although it is badly designed and I believe has not been energetically implemented, it was on balance a good thing to do; and it may have had positive effects as early as the second quarter of this year. And I have no animus against Dr. Romer, whom I have never met, but whose academic work I respect. My criticism was that the argument in her recent talk that the stimulus was just right and had big positive effects last quarter is unpersuasive. And I raised questions about whether academics in government ought to make a clear distinction between academic and political standards of proof.
Now to Professor DeLong's points:
- Romer in her talk says that $100 billion in stimulus funds were distributed by the end of the second quarter. I called this "a suspiciously round number." This infuriates Professor DeLong, who calls it libelous, but his nonadjectival response is to claim that the actual number is $89 billion. I think that makes my point.
- His second point has greater merit. I had said that $100 billiion (of course I should have said $89 billion), being less than two-thirds of one percent of GDP, was too small to be likely to have reduced the decline in output from an annual rate of 6.2 percent in the first quarter of the year to 1 percent in the second quarter. He says that the proper comparison is between one quarter's GDP and $100 billion (which should of course be $89 billion, as by this point he has forgotten), and that is half right. It is only half right because not all the $89 billion received in the second quarter was spent in that quarter. Money received and deposited in June, for example, was not all spent in June; nor, for that matter, was all the money received in April spent by the end of June.
DeLong contends, moreover, that 60 percent of the $89 billion was in the form of tax relief and the other 40 percent in payments to states. In other words, the entire expenditure consisted of transfer payments rather than public-works projects. Since these transfers are transitory rather than permanent income to the recipients, it is likely (and this is confirmed by estimates of the amounts saved from the Bush tax credits of spring 2008) that most of the money was saved rather than spent.
If one assumes generously that one-half of the $89 billion will have been spent (rather than kept as savings) by the end of the third quarter, or $45 billiion, and that the GDP for the second and third quarters will sum to $7 trillion, the stimulus money distributed in the second quarter will have lifted spending by approximately two-thirds of one percent, which was my estimate, though differently arrived at. DeLong assumes that the entire $89 billion was spent (not saved) in the second quarter. That is unsupportable.
If one assumes that by the end of the second quarter only some fraction of $89 billion had been spent--surely less than 50 percent, when one considers not only amounts saved rather than spent but that much of the money would not have been disbursed until June, the last month of the quarter--it seems extremely unlikely that the expenditure reduced the rate of decline of output from a 6.2 percent annual rate to a 1 percent annual rate. And nothing in Romer's talk, or DeLong's blog entry, permits an estimate of how much the disbursements affected the rate of decline of output. - DeLong cites two bits of evidence to suggest that Romer was aware of and tried to correct for the problem of multiple converging causes for the drop in the rate of decline of output between the first and second quarters. The first is that states that have received a relatively small share of the stimulus are doing poorly, and the second is that countries that responded to the global depression with large stimulus packages are doing better on average than was expected six months ago. But of course other things were happening in those states and those countries besides stimulus, and the other things have to be corrected for, which as far as I know has not been attempted. Much was happening in the United States as well, and the question is the incremental effect of $89 billion in stimulus disbursements (not spending, for much of the disbursements would have been saved rather than spent) in the second quarter, and of that there is nothing in Romer's talk or DeLong's blog post to base an estimate on.
DeLong does not comment on my criticisms of Romer for describing the stimulus package as just right or, a related point, for assuming that recipients of the tax cuts provided for in the package will treat these as permanent rather than transitory increases in income. I am sure that DeLong thinks the stimulus package was too small and too weighted toward transfer payments rather than public works.
DeLong's post supports the concern I've expressed about economists going on holiday when they write for the general public. No one reading his post would dream that he was a professor at a distinguished university. I repeat a passage from my June 10 blog entry about DeLong: "It seems that DeLong, like Paul Krugman, is a high road / low road thinker/writer. He does sober academic writing part of the time and irresponsible popular writing the rest of the time. That's a common enough pattern, but when it is found in macroeconomists, specifically those who write about the business cycle rather than less ideologically charged macroeconomic topics, it makes one wonder how trustworthy their 'scientific' writings are."
(Photo: Flickr User stopnlook)
Comments (8)
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Richard A. Posner
Since I like your writings, as well as De Long's and Krugman's, I think that I can fairly say that when you say this:
"My criticism was that the argument in her recent talk that the stimulus was just right and had big positive effects last quarter is unpersuasive. And I raised questions about whether academics in government ought to make a clear distinction between academic and political standards of proof."
I understood you to be saying something different in the previous post. I took you to be saying that Prof. Romer was being deceitful in her talk. In other words, she doesn't really believe what she's saying. I didn't read her talk in that way. I don't understand you to be saying that in this post.
Of course, I'm the least agreed with commenter on economic blogs on the planet.
First of all, perhaps Judge Posner is unaware of this, but Dr. Romer was defended not just by Dr. DeLong, but also Drs. Thoma and Chinn as well:
http://economistsview.typepad.com/economistsview/2009/08/unidentified-pretend-economist.html
http://www.econbrowser.com/archives/2009/08/honesty_dishone.html
I won't reiterate what they said but suffice to say all three covered similar ground to different degree and emphasis. But in general the point stands that Posner, regardless of his views on discretionary fiscal stimulus, is guilty of the very ethical lapse that he, with little real justification, accused Dr. Romer of.
Now, for the points raised in this article:
1. Posner's original statement was:
"Romer argues in her talk that by the end of the second quarter of this year, $100 billion of stimulus money had been spent. That is a suspiciously round number, and it is unclear how it was arrived at; but let us assume it is accurate."
DeLong's response was:
"But consider Mark Zandi: Mark Zandi was one of John McCain's most senior economic advisors last fall. Mark Zandi's estimates of stimulus spend-out are that it amounted to $89 billion as of the end of June--$2 billion in February, $7 billion in March, $13 billion in April, $32 billion in May, and $35 billion in June; with (so far) about 60% of the spend-out coming in the form of tax cuts and about 40% in the form of aid to states (with a trivial amount in direct federal government spending):"
A better response might have been simply to note that Romer's figure was footnoted in her assessment with the following:
"These numbers reflect outlays through July 3, 2009 from Recovery.gov website and internal calculations from the Department of Treasury through June 24, 2009."
2. Posner's second point reflects a poor understanding of how macroeconomists are estimating the multiplier effect of the discretionary fiscal stimulus. (This is distinct from the estimated effects of the stimulus derived from forecasts which are based on a substantial amount of second quarter data.) It is well understood that not all expenditures will be spent in a particular time period (or even at all in the near term. That is the very reason why the fiscal multiplier for across the board tax cuts have a substantially lower fiscal multiplier than infrastructure spending for example. It is also the reason why in Romer and bernstein's initial estimates of the effects of the recovery Act in January that the fiscal multiplers were predicted to start out low and rise (up to a limit) over time. As a result DeLong's method actually results in a average lower fiscal multiplier for the second quarter than a method that only looks at actual expenditures. In any case to achieve the average private forecast estimate of an additional 2.5% in annual GDP growth at an annual rate in the second quarter one would only need approximately an additional $22 billion in actual spending attributable to the Recovery Act. This is a perfectly reasonable figure.
Furthermore the following statement:
"And nothing in Romer's talk, or DeLong's blog entry, permits an estimate of how much the disbursements affected the rate of decline of output."
continues to reveal that he has still failed to read page 14 of Romer's assessment, which never claimed that the entire decline was due to the Recovery Act, and was very specific in estimating its precise effect.
3. Posner writes:
"But of course other things were happening in those states and those countries besides stimulus, and the other things have to be corrected for, which as far as I know has not been attempted."
Romer notes in the assessment this about the cross country estimates:
"This correlation is in some ways surprising, because there’s an obvious element of reverse causation that’s pushing it the other way: countries that got worse news around the turn of the year probably adopted more aggressive stimulus packages. Also, to the extent that analysts back in November could foresee countries’ likely actions and take them into account in making their forecasts, this would cause the relationship to understate the effect of stimulus. But despite these factors tending to bias the estimates down, the relationship is highly statistically significant, large, and robust to changes in the sample and in the measure of forecasted growth."
The analysis Romer performed was a simple regression analysis. I have replicated her analysis and found the results to not only be large and significant, but to be highly significant (at the 1% level). They are also robust to changes in sample as she states. These kind of results strongly imply if one were to perform more sophisticated analysis that the results would not change in a significant way.
Romer notes in the assessment this about the cross state estimates:
"Again, there’s an obvious element of reverse causation that’s pushing this relationship the other way: states whose economies are weaker tend to get more of these funds. Preliminary analysis by my staff addresses this issue by focusing on a subset of the spending that isn’t a response to states’ economic conditions. They also check that other things aren’t driving the correlation. They find that the results hold up well. More spending is associated with less job loss."
So if Posner is unaware of whether Romer (or her staff) have made an attempt to correct for sample bias (as he implies) he just simply has not read the very talk he has had the nerve to criticize.
This second post by Posner has merely served to support the statement by economist Robert Waldman that Posner's original post made it very hard for anyone to honestly claim that Posner himself is a reliable public intellectual. I leave by linking one additional blog posting on yesterday's fiasco:
http://econospeak.blogspot.com/2009/08/posners-attack-on-romer.html
DeLong often takes the low road in his academic work
as well -- see Lawrence White's dismantling of DeLong's low road bunk written
about Hayek, or DeLong's low road debate at the U. of Davis earlier this year.
DeLong is a partisan hack in his academic work as well as on his blog.
Here is what I understood the article to mean in brief summary in four parts, and without the numerical details:
1. Dr Romer gave a speech on August 6th purporting to assess the success of the stimulus up to that point. The analysis she presented to The Economic Club of Washington was quite different from what she would have said had she remained a private academic and not an agent of the current administration.
2. This difference is, essentially, one of less rigor and, paradoxically, more certainty, than one would otherwise expect, or would otherwise be considered acceptable by peers in the profession. To put it simply, she expressed an extraordinary amount of confidence in her conclusion that the political plan which had been enacted was having, and would continue to have, very close to an optimal effect on the overall economic situation. In other words - it was a Goldilocks stimulus - just right, and working as planned.
3. She did all this with the reputation of an accomplished and highly esteemed Economist, and therefore with an understanding that her audience would consider anything she said to reflect only the highest standards of objective accuracy. That is why, after all, she was chosen to make this defense of the stimulus plan. Despite this, the analysis she presented was cursory and her conclusions fairly weak.
4. Though everybody knows it, she did not disclose ahead of time that she was now acting as a political figure and that the statement she was making was not some sterile and disinterested academic seminar, but specifically designed to have a particular political effect. Such a failure to make such a disclosure brings her professional integrity into question in terms of whether we should believe what she says on the basis of her academic reputation so long as she remains in the employ of the government.
Well, now that the summary is finished, it all seems like much ado over not much to me. Consider paragraph 4 above. Does anyone actually expect Dr Romer to say otherwise? People have been eating similar political-through-professional content with grains of salt for a long time.
And as for Professor DeLong's outrage (debates over details aside) is the mild charge being levied here really so unbelievable or abominable? No one has said Dr. Romer is incompetent or a bald-faced liar, merely that she speaks for the President, and it seems (as should be expected by all adults) that, while short of outright dishonestly, she is selectively emphasizing a narrative that is favorable to him.
And there is nothing new under the sun.
Well, another day and still more discussion/criticism of Judge Posner.
Menzie Chinn uses Mr. Posner's numbers to illustrate how one can obtain back-of-the-envelope estimates for the stimulus package:
http://www.econbrowser.com/archives/2009/08/basic_math_for.html
He also alerts people to this by Donald Marron, relevant to Posner's point #1:
"In her recent speech about the impact of the stimulus effort, Christina Romer, Chair of the President’s Council of Economic Advisers, noted that “as of the end of June, more than $100 billion had been spent.”
If you visit the government web site tracking the stimulus (Recovery.gov), however, it will tell you that the government had paid out only about $60 billion by July 3. (You can find this figure in the chart at the lower right hand corner of the home page.)
Why does Christi report a figure so much larger than the one reported on the official website? Because Recovery.gov isn’t tracking all of the budget effects of the stimulus.
Christi’s figure includes the $60 billion of spending reported on Recovery.gov plus an internal estimate, prepared by Treasury, of the tax reductions resulting from the stimulus effort through June 24. Those tax reductions are obviously a big deal, totaling $40 billion or slightly more through the end of June."
http://dmarron.com/2009/08/14/tracking-the-stimulus/
With all due respect to Zandi's estimates they were done in advance and not after the fact and Romer probably has an easier time accessing the actual figures at the CEA. So the $100 billion figure is evidently correct.
And Justin Wolfers says the following about Posner in Freakonomics:
"And then, with an astonishing lack of awareness of the irony involved, Judge Posner — who is also a highly-regarded scholar at Chicago Law School — spends the rest of his article opining on the economic effects of the stimulus.
Yes, this is the same Judge Posner who has never, as far as I can tell, received any training in macroeconomics. Having recently re-read much of the modern literature on fiscal policy, I found myself underlining several of his claims that either reflect an incomplete understanding of the issue or are simply at odds with the current views of mainstream macro. Yet they are stated as simple truths, with no hint of qualification. And he cites not a single number nor builds a serious theoretical argument in support of any of his conclusions.
In fact, it’s a fun game to read his whole piece (available here) and assess just how far Posner falls short. Post your favorites to the comments.
Update: At Economist’s View, Mark Thoma begins by listing the obvious shortcomings; Brad DeLong finds at least seven major problems; and over at EconBrowswer, Menzie Chinn piles on, finding six-and-a-half major shortcomings. And for eagle-eyed readers, there are still more problems waiting to be highlighted; let’s call it an intellectual “Where’s Waldo?”
Finally, an aside: This isn’t about which side of the debate Posner is on; on the substantive issue of whether fiscal stimulus is worthwhile, I actually agree with Posner. No, it’s about the very issue Posner raises: how to engage in serious economic debate."
http://freakonomics.blogs.nytimes.com/2009/08/20/anti-public-intellectuals-or-public-anti-intellectuals/
And Mark Thoma via Tim Duy points to an article by Stephen Gordon that quotes an old piece by Paul Krugman that seems pretty relevant to the whole situation:
"As far as I can tell, the attitude of policy-minded intellectuals to economics is pretty much unique. Many people have opinions about legal matters or about defense policy; but they generally accept that a fair amount of specialized knowledge is necessary to discuss these matters intelligently. Thus a law degree is expected of a commentator on legal affairs, a professional military career or a record of study of military matters is expected of a commentator on defense, and so on.
When it comes to economics, however, and especially international trade, it seems to be generally accepted that there is no specialized knowledge to master. Lawyers, political scientists, historians cheerfully offer their views on the subject, and often seem quite sure that whatever it is that professors have to say – something they are fairly blurry about – is naïve and wrong…
[T]he attitude … that international economics requires no special knowledge, and that the theories of the academics, whatever they are, are obviously silly … is extremely common…
[W]hy is this attitude so prevalent? At this point, I am in the awkward position of having to defend economic professionalism by playing amateur sociologist, but let me offer the following five-part hypothesis."
http://economistsview.typepad.com/economistsview/2009/08/pop-keynesianism.html
You can read the rest at the posted link.
It's getting pretty hard to keep track of all the economists piling on Judge Posner. My bggest complaint is that he criticized Romer's speech without bothering to even read it. That's just not easily forgiven in the world I live in.
OOPS! I meant to reply to myself and not to Indy, just to be clear.
Brad DeLong once said that Alan Greenspan never made a policy decision with which he did not agree completely. (He really did. Honest.) I try not to hold that against him.
Everyone makes a mistake now and then. With all the daunting challenges facing our nation and the economy, I find it distressing that so many economists continue to busy themselves with academic food fights and trivialities, even when potential appointments may be at stake.
Posner,
Better economists going on holiday when they write about economics than non-economists going on holiday when they write about economics:
http://www.econbrowser.com/archives/2009/08/basic_math_for.html
That said, I can see why you might distrust people who treat stupid statements about economics as evidence of stupidity.